Listen to the show accompanying this myth:
Today's Guests Are:
Cheryl
Harris : Professor Harris is the Faculty Director of the Critical Race
Studies program at UCLA Law School. She is the author of leading works in Critical
Race Theory including the highly influential "Whiteness as Property"
(Harvard Law Review). Her work has also taken up the relationship between race,
gender and property and most recently has focused on race, equality and the
Constitution through the re-examination of Plessy v. Ferguson and Grutter v.
Bollinger. As the Co-Chair for the National Conference of Black Lawyers for
several years, she developed an expertise in international human rights, particularly
concerning South Africa. Professor Harris was a key organizer of several major
conferences both in South Africa and in the United States that helped establish
a dialogue between U.S. legal scholars and South African lawyers during the
development of South Africa's first democratic constitution in 1994. She is
a member of the Advisory Board of the Bunche Center for African-American Studies
and is part of the Executive Council of the American Studies Association. Professor
Harris is the recipient of the ACLU Foundation of Southern California 2005 Distinguished
Professor Award for Civil Rights Educatio
George Lipsitz: George Lipsitz is a professor of Black Studies
at UC Santa Barbara. He studies social movements, urban culture, and inequality.
He is the author of The
Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit from Identity Politics
. His other books include American Studies in a Moment of Danger, Rainbow at
Midnight: Labor and Culture in the 1940s, A Life in the Struggle: Ivory Perry
and the Culture of Opposition, the biography of Ivory Perry, which examines
white supremacy and probes into the ways that race determines life chances and
structures experience in the contemporary United States; Dangerous Crossroads:
Popular Music, Postmodernism, and the Poetics of Place, and Time Passages. .
Lipsitz also serves as editor of the Critical American Studies series at the
University of Minnesota Press, and the recently published Singlejack Solidarity,
a collection of writings by longtime labor activist Stan Weir.
MYTH: Absent affirmative action race is as empty and meaningless as skin color; it is affirmative action that creates racial differences.
FACT: Skin color might be meaningless, but race is a socially-constructed category that is tied to skin color, and race has been and continues to be used in order to create and enshrine privileges for one group at the expense of other groups. Racial differences in the United States have been present at least ever since whites made themselves dominant over all non-white groups, and the only way to address this is by acknowledging the ways in which "whiteness" functions. We live in a society with deeply-entrenched and zealously-guarded racial differences. Affirmative action serves to break down these constructed differences (for instance, by introducing diversity into spaces that would otherwise remain barred to non-whites). Affirmative action is part of a strategy aimed at ending racial domination that otherwise would continue unchallenged. Affirmative action, therefore, represents a response to, not the cause of, the racial disparities that emerge from a norm of privileged whiteness.
Undergirding the myth that affirmative action creates racial differences is
the belief that without affirmative action race is as empty and meaningless
as skin color. By this logic, it follows that equality can be brought about
by treating everyone the same without any consideration of race at all. Reducing
race to something as innocuous as skin color permits critics of color-conscious
policies to argue that people are treated equally as long as no one's race is
taken into account. But this superficial equality is blind to the reality that
race is not primarily skin color. Indeed, race itself is not even a biological
category. As Ian Haney Lopez notes, what we have come to think of as race is
the cumulative effect of legal rules, social policy and cultural practice. The
effects of these cumulative practices are NOT the same for whites and nonwhites.
Some find themselves running in lanes on a track cluttered with obstacles, whereas
others can find themselves running a race completely free of unwarranted impediments
as we discussed in Myth 1. In other words, it is simply
not the same thing to be white as it is to be of color. As Professor Lopez shows
in his book "White By Law," race is a fluid category that is determined
as much by public attitude as it is by any visual indicators that we have come
to associate with it. Race is simply a way of keeping benefits in the hands
of one group, while leaving everyone else in a systematically subordinated role.
WHITENESS: MEMBERSHIP HAS ITS PRIVILEGES
The creation of white privilege is a process that passes acquired goods and benefits over generations. From America's inception, whiteness has been used to keep certain groups out in order to exploit them. The clearest example of this is slavery, but there have been many lesser examples, such as the use of immigrants as cheap labor by exempting them from the standards and pay that one would reserve for white workers. Over time, many groups that were not originally "white" have been able to become white through assimilation and the accumulation of resources -- this group includes Italians, Irish, and Jews. (Read more about how the Irish and Jews became white) However, whiteness needs an "Other" to define itself by, and those whose skin is most different from the skin color associated with "whiteness" -- that is to say, people of color--are forever shut out from the benefits of white privilege. As a result, people of color are shut out from all the opportunities that whiteness reserves for itself, and instead are damaged by all the ways in which a system that rewards whites and subordinates others maintains the status quo of white domination.
Those who have benefited from white privilege are unaware of it because of the
way in which whiteness operates. Whites find themselves reaping the fruit of
trees that they never planted, but that were there as long as they can recall
-- always just there and to which they have always been entitled. Their ignorance
as to who planted, and tended the tree in the first place thwarts the efforts
of those who are trying to shake the fruits loose for themselves in the post-civil
rights era. The MCRI is an attempt to keep whiteness, and its "serendipitous"
fruits above the reach of people of color and to hinder their ability to negotiate
for resources and opportunities in the institutions in which they live and work.
Did you know?It's great to be white in America:If you are white in America you can expect...
Sources: |
Peggy McIntosh introduces a way of thinking about racism that is often ignored. Even those of us who have come to understand that racism manifests itself not only in the the actions of individual, irrational actors, but also in structures and institutions, think of racism as something that puts subordinated others at a disadvantage. Racism, in the form of white privilege, puts whites at an advantage. McIntosh describes white privilege as “an invisible weightless knapsack of special provisions, maps, passports, codebooks, visas, clothes, tools , and blank checks.” Not only does white privilege put whites at an advantage, there is no mechanism by which their privilege is brought to their attention. Thus, whites often are fully oblivious to the reality of white privilege and come to view disparities in wealth, educational, employment and housing opportunities, and even in health outcomes as normal. click HERE to learn more about the Invisible Knapsack.
WHITE PRIVILEGE REQUIRES AFFIRMATIVE ACTION TO REMEDY
Believe it or not!
From the beginning, law has played a central role in demarcating who
was white and who was not. Although we have come to see these categories
as natural, race is actually a product of numerous legal rules that prescribe
certain behaviors, create certain privileges and disabilities, and distribute
them to various members of the population. Consider for example the rule
of hypodescent
, aka the "one-drop-rule" Obviously, it cannot simply be skin
color that creates whiteness, because someone with ""one drop"
of "black blood" but who looks white cannot
be considered white. Moreover, these rules creating race are not symmetrical.
While one drop of blood might render a white looking person Black, no
amount of white blood could render any person "with discernible Negro
blood" white. The only explanation for this asymmetry is that whiteness
is kept separate from and above everything (and everyone)
else. In this respect, Virginia’s 1924 Act for the "Preservation
of Racial Integrity," defined as white a person with "no
trace whatsoever of any blood other than Caucasian." However
exceptions were made for individuals with less that 1/16th Indian blood,
a concession to honor the role of Pochohantas. Interestly, the very person
for whom the exception was made would not herself have been able to enjoy
the benefits of whiteness. As a full-blooded Indian, Pochohantas would
have remained "nonwhite." |
Our Constitution was built on special rights - for whites: property rights, contract rights, voting rights, and of course the right to own humans during the era of chattel slavery, to "recover" Blacks if they dared steal themselves away, (to escape from slavery would have been considered a theft, of oneself!) and to benefit in the form of tax breaks and increased representation under the 3/5 compromise (allowing whites to have apportioned representation based on their own own numbers plus 3/5 of a person for each slave, but NOT be taxed based on such fractions of humanity).
Since reconstruction, non-whites seeking to assert the same rights as whites have been rebuffed as seeking "special rights." Just 20 years after the abolition of slavery, African Americans seeking federal enforcement of antidiscrimination laws were admonished by the Supreme Court to stop making a federal case out of their predicament and to learn to make do like everyone else. Framing civil rights as preferential treatment, the Supreme Court intoned, "Slavery is over," you can't be the "special favorite of the laws" forever. The court, just one generation after the end of slavery saw the plaintiff's claims for access to the same accommodations, facilities and services as whites, an unwelcome attempt to access those rights that had been reserved for whites. Whites comprised the universe of people who could possess such rights. Thus, whiteness was (and arguably is) the requisite admission ticket to partake in the American Dream. White privilege is guarded carefully, and for non-whites (and even for white women) the path to access to privileges reserved for whites is long and hard. For example, Blacks did not gain the simple emblem of citizenship - the right to vote - until 1865. The franchise was not extended to women until 1920, and Native Americians until 1924!
Once established, the privileges associated with whiteness become the basis for future entitlement and are very difficult to alter. Many whites have responded to political demands and even governmental policies designed to modestly alter these expectations as a violation of their civil rights. Laws promoting school integration, desegregating public accommodations, the protection of voting rights, and even the repeal of miscegenation laws were all met with venomous denunciation (and sometimes violence) and characterized as special rights that unjustly impinged on white rights.
WHITE PRIVILEGE IS NO SECRET
In fact, most Americans are aware that there is a huge advantage in being born white in America. That’s why Andrew Hacker, a prominent sociologist, asked white students what amount of money they felt the would need in order to "compensate" them if they became suddenly and irrevocably black. Many of the students felt that $50 million, or $1 million for every year for the rest of their lives would be required in order to make up for the loss of their whiteness. These students were admitting something the rest of us intuit quite easily: white privilege provides a host of advantages, many of them monetary. To read more about racial wealth disparities caused by the enshrinement of white privilege, read HERE To read about Hacker's study, read his book.
COLORBLINDENESS HAS LONG BEEN USED TO PROTECT WHITE PRIVILEGE
The meaning of whiteness has throughout the history of the United States conferred a host of privileges, benefits and expectations upon some individuals that have been denied to others. These entitlements, once conferred, provide a permanent reservoir of social goods that is automatically passed on and down through the generations. Affirmative action has been a modest effort to negotiate entry into the stream of resources for those who have been stranded upstream of the flow of white entitlement.
The modest successes of people of color in breaking down the exclusive hold
that some Americans have on whiteness has prompted a vitriolic backlash. Michigan's
Proposal 2 is just one example of a broader effort to place the entitlements
of whiteness out of the reach of people of color and their social justice allies.
It does not reflect the pursuit of social justice. Rather it represents an effort
to shore up and stem the diminishing overrepresentation of those who have historically
been racially privileged across our nation's institutions.
WHITENESS AS THE NORMATIVE STANDARD
Colorblindness is a preference. It is preference for the status quo of systemic institutionalized white domination. Colorblindness allows institutional and structural racism to continue, propelled by its own inertial force unless acted upon by a directional force. It takes no action (or intent) to perpetuate it, but directed efforts, in the form of affirmative action policies, are required to stop it. Understanding white privilege reframes the affirmative action debate in two ways. First, once we recognize white privilege -- and the US's history of protecting it at all cost -- it is obvious why the arguments in this debate have been framed in terms of harm to white people. Second, once we understand that white privilege is almost always invisible to its beneficiaries, it is easy to understand why those advantages are taken to be normal. That is, the “invisible weightless knapsack of special provisions, maps, passports, codebooks, visas, clothes, tools , and blank checks,” the unacknowledged regime of white supremacy has come to be accepted as the natural state of things. Affirmative action threatens this perception.
Lastly, standards of "merit" are culturally defined. The markers of a "professional looking" applicant, a "collegial" colleague or a "good student" are centered on whiteness.Given this, white privilege, and racial subordination will continue, swathed in colorblindness, without affirmative action to adjust for a norm that is far from normal.
Mythbusting Homework:
1. Can you…
— …arrange to be in the company of people of your race most of the time?
— …be pretty sure of your ability to rent or purchase housing in an area where you can afford and in which you would want to live should you want or need to move?
— …be pretty sure that your neighbors in such a location will be neutral or pleasant to you?
— …turn on the television or open to the front page of the paper and see people of your race widely represented?
— …be sure that your children will be given curricular materials that testify to the existence of their race?
— …choose public accommodation without fearing that people of your race cannot get in or will be mistreated in the places you have chosen?
— …be sure that if you need legal or medical help, your race will not work against you?.
— …choose blemish cover or bandages in "flesh" color and have them more or less match your skin?
— …swear, or dress in second hand clothes, or not answer letters, without having people attribute these choices to the bad morals, the poverty or the illiteracy of your race?
— …do well in a challenging situation without being called a credit your race?
— …criticize our government and talk about how much you fear its policies and behavior without being seen as a cultural outsider?
— …be pretty sure that if you ask to talk to the "person in charge", you will be facing a person of your race?
— …worry about racism without being seen as self-interested or self-seeking?
[source: Peggy McIntosh, White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack ]
2. Ask these questions of friends or colleagues of different races. How are your answers similar or different?
3. Click HERE
to read more about the daily effects of white privilege. Can you identify
any others?

